It has come up again and again in our public discourse, especially among less imaginative leftists and peripheral nationalists. Did the dictator die or were we wrong in 1975 and he was drinking beer? In the autumn of the year of the prodigy—1992, naturally—the Dutch Hispanist Sebastian Faber lived in Madrid. I would investigate Spanish exiles in Mexico. and as if it was from charlotte modern times, One day he found himself in the midst of a crowd in the Plaza de Oriente. He told in a chronicle what he saw. “Suddenly music starts playing through the speakers. As if following an inaudible order, arms are raised everywhere. Over the right shoulder the red and yellow bracelets glow in the morning light. and has about 8,000 vocals in front of the sun, Phalange’s Anthem”. It was a commemoration of Franco’s death. Despite the effect of considering the unpublished facherio, that covenant became one of the least crowded since they were celebrated.
But the ghosts apparently didn’t go away and somehow returned with proclamations. “Its emotional significance was zero for me. I saw it purely as part of the propaganda battle”, confesses Ja Zarzalejos. During the months following his unsuccessful and inconvenient work in Valley of the Fallen, Faber interviewed academics, thinkers and journalists to ask whether he believed whether or not Franco was alive and to what extent Francoism was still political, existed in the economy. Judiciary… on whose basis are your answers? Frank found out, A remarkable report published in English for the first time And it is part of a critical review of the story of dictatorship and transition that strengthened after the 2008 crisis. But it is not only a book of interviews with dissenting voices, with a story of consent, but also a free exercise of criticism culture. This does not lead to a conclusion as might be assumed. “When it comes to managing a complex, conflicting and violent past, Spain is no unique case in the world”. we are not like that Diverse,
Then, what will be our difference fact after 40 years of totalitarian authoritarianism? There is no one answer, but one hypothesis prevails: Francoism placed certain families at the helm of the command that followed the conservative or reactionary traditions of the 19th century. Power will belong to those elites and it will not be discussed with them. From the late 1950s, from state and industrial centres, he was the protagonist of the definitive adaptation of capitalism to a low democratic quality in Spain. And he designed and ordered institutional change during the transition so that what was characterized as an anomaly in 2008 (and which Sánchez-Cuenca pointed out Tuesday. real corruption, The process that led to this capitalist adaptation is the underlying theme of an essay written by one of Faber’s interviewees: Franco’s Idle Revolution, by Jose Luis Vilacanas Berlanga. Libra!
The general was a war practitioner, with an archaic military concept and a personality that can only be interpreted with ancient behavioral models.
Professor Vilakanas’ book has two parts. One under the call of Machiavelli and the other under the call of Gramsci. in first use The Life of Castruccio Castracani da Lucca To mark Franco as “the last European Union”. The general was a war businessman, with an archaic military concept and a personality that could only be interpreted with ancient behavioral models, who, like the successful Condottiero, managed to become the prince of a new kingdom. A systematic political realism led him to counterrevolutionary leadership and, amid the Schmidtian extermination of those he considered his enemies (Azana was his best embodiment) and a clever reading of geopolitical coordinates, he met with negative sentiments. nurtured a new nation. “Hate, fear, hurt, resentment, contempt, lack of forgiveness, buying, selling, winning and losing, and reckoning, especially reckoning.” Destroyed the republican nature of the nation, political independence in Spain disappeared. It was then that an “internally Catholic” dictatorship was institutionalized and it was in that regime, thanks to him, that capitalist adaptation took place in our country, which Vilacanas made possible by using Gramsci, based on a passive revolution. Believes: That authoritarian modernity was driven by technocrats, supporting historic industrial development centers and during which the traditional power bloc revived itself by welding itself to the state and promoting big business.
This is the theory about capitalist adaptation in the second part of the book. The author’s ability to explain this process, as well as to explore how it generated the social tensions that appear in cultural discourses (for example in films), is more than remarkable and has been a systematic approach over the years. Demonstrates the need for a monograph. Fraga Minister. I would say that the author’s conclusion is that the said power faction is not dead alive today, but, on the contrary, strongly defends its position of dominance. It won it during the war, it kept pace with the Cold War, and it was right to change during the transition. The key to the safe belonged to the new prince. “The king thus wanted to achieve both hereditary and democratic legitimacy and wanted to be the hero who completed the passive revolution, leading to the monarchy being popularly accepted after it was declared by Franco.” This is a thesis that should be considered very seriously when it comes to understanding the Spanish 20th century. and our present.
Author: Sebastian Faber.
Translation: Ferran Ponton.
Editorial: Past and Present, 2022.
Format: Softcover (225 pages, 24 euros).
Author: Jose Luis Vilacanas Berlanga.
Editorial: HarperCollins, 2022.
Format: paperback (504 pages, 22.90 euros) and e book (10.99 euros).
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